Then, when having this modernization in the agricultural production, the accumulation of the capital will be a predominant factor in the process of expropriation of lands, had to the sprouting of the great plants. Modifying the work relations mainly and making to appear a layer of wage-earning workers and with this, causing one ‘ ‘ marginalizao’ ‘ of these workers, a time that, when having these changes, the lands that before the peasants used for the sustenance of its families, had been being confiscated for the owners of the devices due to search for the increase of the agrarian production. He is valid to give a bigger attention to an existing modification of social status. The peasant if becomes a wage-earning worker (characteristic typically of the capitalism), its subsistence will be materialize, not for its direct work in small leasehold properties they, but now for its force of developed work in exchange for a wage remuneration. From then on, the ideology present politics in the agricultural areas, passes for a releitura and a new analysis, therefore the agricultural workers used in supplying devices of sugar cane-of-sugar or on properties the plant, for generally not having been contemplated with no assured labor law, will have as main fight politics, the creation of a body of working laws, silencing the fight biggest, the access the land. At this moment he starts to exist two categories: the first one consists of the wage-earning agricultural workers who if directly find the relations of capitalist work on and one second classroom of peasants who, according to VENDRAMINI (2008) ‘ ‘ it is submitted indirectly to the capital, formal it preserves its autonomy and it makes look like to work exactly for itself, but in the reality it depends on the financial, commercial capital and industrial’ ‘. Soon, these two distinct classrooms, although to be in the same bulge of the classrooms explored for the capital, reveal in its intentions politics with different purposes.